Myanmar’s Women Freedom Fighters: In Their Own Words

By Bella Aung (she/her)

Editor’s Note: OWP is pro-peace. However, we recognise and support the rights of marginalised populations to take action against oppressive power structures.

Content warning: discussions of misogyny, harassment, and abuse, mentions of sexual violence

Background:

It has been four years since the Burmese military led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing overthrew the democratically elected civilian government and took control of Myanmar in a coup d’etat on February 1, 2021. As of 2025, civil resistance against the military faction continues to gain momentum. Commonly known as Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, this pro-democracy resistance constitutes different branches, including but not limited to the National Unity Government (NUG), the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and the People’s Defence Forces (PDF).

In the immediate aftermath of the coup, peaceful protesters poured into the streets across Myanmar to speak out against the military takeover. However, as the Burmese military began cracking down on the protests using lethal force, youths in Myanmar realised that militant resistance was required to stand a chance at taking down the military rule. This realisation subsequently led to the formation of the People’s Defence Forces (PDF).

The People’s Defence Forces:

The PDF was officially founded in May 2021 by the NUG, a shadow government in exile made up of ousted elected officials post-coup. Its goal is to protect civilians in Myanmar and defend against the repressive military regime. When it was first founded, the general public did not have a high opinion of the PDF. Instead, the PDF members were initially seen as young vigilantes whom the Burmese security forces would likely overrun.

Defying this negative initial public opinion, the PDF quickly spread across the country with a population of 54 million, with many young urbanites fleeing to the jungles to join the armed resistance against the military regime. The PDF now consists of approximately 65,000 troops serving in diverse autonomous groups and ethnic militias striving to operate under a single command structure led by the NUG. The PDF members also work closely with EAOs who are not under the NUG command but share a common goal of eradicating military dictatorship in Myanmar.

As the PDF continues to gain more ground against the Burmese military, women’s participation in the PDF also increases. This is an unprecedented change in Myanmar’s society, where women are seen as inferior due to their lack of spiritual glory exclusive to men, also known as Hpone in the Burmese language. As a result of this misogynistic belief, women are typically excluded from important leadership positions, particularly in the political realm.  Everyone who has held the highest political office since independence in Myanmar is a man. Hence, women taking up arms to fight against the military regime is an unprecedented change.

Some women-only combat units and battalions have been established, such as Myaung Women Warriors, the Tiger Women Drone Force (TGR), and the all-female combat unit of the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force’s Battalion 5.

Despite these promising changes for women to be active participants in resisting military oppression, gendered challenges remain. With patriarchal beliefs being dominant in rural areas where many PDF organisations operate, not everyone in the Spring Revolution is convinced that women belong on the frontlines. Women PDF members across the country report that they are often excluded from leadership positions within their organisations, barred from the frontlines, and limited to support roles traditionally associated with women, such as cooking, caretaking, and sewing. After all, non-combatant women who participate in the Spring Revolution still outnumber the few women combatants who get the opportunity to take up arms to fight against the Burmese military.

To get a glimpse of the lived experiences of different women PDF members, I interviewed five young women aged 18-30 serving in different PDF organisations across Myanmar. The interviews took place between September to December 2024. While five interviews cannot represent all women PDF members’ experiences participating in the Spring Revolution, these five brave young women wanted to share their stories with a feminist international audience through this article. I am honoured to amplify their voices, and I hope that their fight for democracy will be heard and supported from far and near.

The following transcripts are condensed accounts of real-life experiences shared by the PDF women. For security reasons, pseudonyms are used to protect the women’s identities. Some accounts were originally recorded in Burmese and have been translated.

Rowan, 24 years old

I knew from the start that joining the PDF would involve a drastic lifestyle change. Regardless, I decided to go to the jungles. I later learned that the lifestyle change would be the most minor of all the challenges I would face as a woman PDF member. Gendered discrimination and harassment are, in my opinion, the hardest challenges.

In the beginning, everyone respected each other regardless of gender. However, as time went on, physical and verbal harassment towards women became common and normalised. Women are also intentionally left behind when men go to the frontlines because men see us as liabilities. This happens even when there is a shortage of soldiers at the frontlines and there are qualified women who can fill this gap.

Some older men who hold influential positions in EAOs often try to get romantically or sexually involved with young PDF women. These men are usually married. Due to the power imbalance, many young women are afraid to say no when these men initiate relationships. There is no safe place for women who experience gendered harassment and discrimination to share their experiences, demand justice, or ask for support. The longer I have lived in the jungle, the more I realise this lack of support will persist. The scarce internet access also compounds this situation as women cannot access online support within the digital civil society. I now recommend fellow women PDF members to fight back physically when men initiate unwanted contact.

Amy, 21 years old

I am a peaceful protester turned PDF woman who has been in the armed struggle for almost four years. In my PDF, there is less space for women than men. Women are restricted from participating in the battlefield as soldiers. Female medics are exceptions. Even for them, they are only allowed to go to the frontline when the battle intensity is relatively low. Compared to my PDF organisation, those in Northern Myanmar offer more opportunities for women, such as computer training and sewing uniforms. Women from my region are restricted to cooking roles. This blatantly gendered limitation makes us feel hopeless and depressed.

My boyfriend, who was also a PDF member, died in battle. After his death, I experienced a lot of gendered harassment instead of support. Some men in my PDF viewed me as a sexual target after my boyfriend’s passing and kept making comments saying they wanted to make me theirs even when I told them I was not comfortable. I also faced judgment from some women PDF members who spread rumours that I was not loyal to my dead boyfriend when I started a new relationship one year after his death.

I continue to face gendered verbal harassment today, and there is nowhere I can report it. Men in my PDF organisation are not harassed based on their personal life. Instead, those who support the revolution often put them on a pedestal. Taking advantage of this, some male PDF members pretend to be single even when they were already married before they joined the armed resistance. They then get involved with young women members of the PDF. Quite often, these relationships fizzle out quickly, and many young women are left behind, pregnant and without any support.

Barbara, 26 years old

Before I joined the armed resistance, I was a peaceful protester. I was not sure if I could become a PDF member. I was a student before and had not done anything in life except studying. However, the Burmese military was becoming increasingly inhumane with every passing day. So, I left home to become a PDF member in March 2022. My mom wants me to come back home.

Women are seen as inferior in our society. We are simultaneously fighting for the country’s freedom from military rule and a better quality of life for all women. In my PDF, men and women respect each other. However, some PDF organisations do not accept women as members. Others confine their women members to cooking and cleaning roles only. Overall, women PDF members have fewer professional development and participation opportunities. I believe that the Spring Revolution needs to eliminate male supremacy prevalent in our country along with the fascist dictatorship. We need a new society where women are not oppressed.

There is not enough support for women PDF members who have experienced sexual violence. Women’s rights seem to be an afterthought for many, as the focus of the PDF is to take down the Burmese military. We should work with civil society organisations to address this need. There are four women PDF members in my unit, and we all agree that our rights are worth fighting for. There are over one hundred men in my unit, and although they treat us well, they do not know how to support us in our advocacy. So, we do as much as possible while accepting that women’s issues are not their top priority.

Connie, 28 years old

I joined the armed revolution because I could not accept the military regime. I got pushback from my family for my decision to join the PDF. My younger brothers also joined the revolution. However, they did not receive verbal assaults from family members as I did. Other PDF women I know share similar familial pushback. Their families did not want them to carry weapons. Some women were even coerced by their families into going back home and accepting arranged marriages.

In my PDF organisation, there are few leadership opportunities for women, and our insights are not valued. There is gendered discrimination in the allocation of tasks. Women are primarily assigned to make gunpowder or raise funds. We rarely get to go to the frontlines. We are also excluded from military operations. Men get priority in participating on the front lines, whereas women must prove themselves to earn the same opportunity. Even when some women get to go to the frontlines, they work as healthcare providers while men command battalions. In the offices, women are given subordinate roles, while men fill leadership positions with decision-making power.

Although atrocious gendered violence such as mass rape does not occur within the revolution, there are milder forms of gender-based violence (GBV) towards women PDF members by both men in the PDF and their supporters. Women PDF members who experience abuse cannot speak up as they are expected to save face and prioritise the success of the armed struggle over their well-being. Some women have resigned from the PDF and returned to civilian life as they could no longer tolerate the abuse they experienced within the organisation. Sometimes, perpetrators who commit violence against women PDF members are local leaders. I think that the NUG should take swift action to address GBV within the PDF.

Zoe, 28 years old

I joined the PDF in January 2022. I work as a healthcare administrator. When I first joined, I was concerned due to the societal belief that women who go to the jungles suffer from self-destruction and loss of virtue. I was scared that I would be seen as a bad woman when I return home after the revolution. I currently work in conservative ethnic minority areas, and I am expected by the locals to always behave like a traditional woman. My male colleagues do not face similar gendered expectations. The elders often judge PDF women’s behaviours that are traditionally considered unladylike, such as smoking or having a boyfriend without parental consent.

Women face more challenges due to their gender in the armed resistance, particularly when it comes to getting dressed, bathing, and taking care of personal hygiene. For instance, vaginal yeast infections are common due to the lack of clean water in the jungles. Periods are also challenging, as appropriate undergarments and menstrual products are hard to come by. Men in my PDF unit are very kind to women members and treat us with respect. I have not experienced sexual violence in the revolution. I also have not heard of physical or sexual violence against women within my PDF organisation.

I think I would be able to participate more in the armed resistance if I were a man. Men are sent to the frontline while women stay in support roles. Only men are allowed to go to the frontlines in my PDF. The closest we can get to the frontline is cooking and delivering food to the soldiers. Roles that are typically assigned to women PDF members include office administrator, medic, seamstress, and cook. In the office, women do get a fair share of leadership opportunities. Although we do not get the highest role, we can get the second-highest position as long as we are competent. Some PDF women are in supervisory roles, and men do not have a problem following these women’s orders.

Although we are fighting for democracy, our country is not a democracy yet. As Myanmar is a traditional country, women still need to behave accordingly if they do not want to be criticised.

Conclusion

Four years after the unlawful takeover of Myanmar by the Burmese military, courageous young women continue to fight for a return to democracy as part of the PDF. Their participation in militant resistance defies traditional norms that have kept Myanmar’s women out of the public sphere for decades. However, sexism and misogyny persist, even among the revolutionary forces. The Spring Revolution must fight for gender equality alongside its fight for federal democracy.

Author’s Bio

Isabella Aung is a Research Fellow at the Myanmar Policy and Community Knowledge (MyPACK) Hub at the University of Toronto and a UBC Myanmar Initiative Fellow. She is also the Head of the Comparative Politics Diploma Program at the Institute of Human Rights and Democratic Governance (IHRDG), Spring University Myanmar (SUM).

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